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Dr. Jens Weidmann,
President of the Deutsche Bundesbank

Crisis management and governance

Walter Eucken Lecture

1 Introduction

Professor Feld
Ladies and gentlemen

I am delighted to be here today to give the Walter Eucken Lecture.

And I am delighted that so many of you have come today on Rose Monday, the highlight of the German carnival season before the beginning of Lent, to listen to a monetary policymaker.

Monetary policymakers do not have the reputation of being over-blessed with a sense of humour – there is therefore some doubt about our suitability for the carnival season. On the other hand, the immunologist and humourist, Gerhard Uhlenbruck, said that, at carnival time, we wear a mask so that we can let it slip. I will certainly not be putting on a mask and under no circumstances will I attempt to give an amusing speech.

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SPIEGEL‘s cover story on the history of the common currency

Politicians have maneuvered their countries into an unparalleled situation in the euro crisis. And they already know what most voters don’t yet suspect. In the end, only two possibilities will remain to save the beleagured common currency: an expensive transfer union or a smaller monetary union. Either solution will be extremely costly

The Greek crisis has revealed why the euro is the world’s most dangerous currency. The euro was built on a foundation of debt and trickery, where economic principles were sacrificed to romantic political visions. The history of the common currency is the story of a good idea that turned into a tragedy of epic proportions. By SPIEGEL Staff.

How a Good Idea Became a Tragedy

Before Germany’s Horst Reichenbach had even stepped off the plane in Athens, the Greeks knew who was coming. He had already been given various unflattering nicknames in the Greek media, including “Third Reichenbach” and “Horst Wessel” — a reference to the Nazi activist of that name who was posthumously elevated to martyr status. The members of his 30-strong team, meanwhile, had been compared to Nazi regional leaders.

The taxi drivers at the airport were on strike, while hundreds stood in front of the parliament building, chanting their slogans. One protestor was wearing a T-shirt that read: “I don’t need sex. The government fucks me every day.” Within the first few hours, Horst Reichenbach realized that he had landed in a disaster area.

Reichenbach is the head of the task force the European Commission sent to Athens to provide what Brussels officials call “technical assistance” in the implementation of necessary reforms. For the Greek media, the task force is the advance guard of an invasion force, the bureaucrats that have arrived to transform beautiful Greece into a German colony.

Reichenbach describes his tasks as follows: restructure the tax system, streamline the administration, accelerate privatization, strengthen legal certainty, open up access to protected professions, restructure the energy and healthcare sector and remove structures that are hostile to investment. The effort, says Reichenbach, requires “thinking in terms of years instead of months.” He was the vice-president of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and had planned to retire at the end of December. But then he received a call from European Commission President José Manuel Barroso, who then dispatched Reichenbach on this mission impossible.

He is a middleman between two Europes, the north and the south. The euro was intended as a currency that would help Europe grow together, but the first major euro crisis is in fact pitting the north and the south, the deutschmark economy and the lira economy, against each other. To make matters worse, there are also two different speeds in Europe, with one part of Europe moving at the high-paced speed of financial markets and banks, while the other drags along at the speed of governments and parliaments. And then there is also the Europe of two versions of the truth. One is at home in Brussels, Berlin and Paris, in the centers of power, while the other resides in the living rooms and on the streets of European cities.

As admirable as it is for Reichenbach and his 30 nation-builders to be bringing order to Athens, no amount of reorganizing can simply do away with €350 billion ($473 billion) in government debt. How to cope with this debt without ruining the European project is the most pressing question of recent weeks. After 20 years of bad decisions, spineless reforms and postponed actions, it isn’t the citizens but the markets that have forced united Europe into an endgame over the euro. How can this currency have a future? Is there a risk that Greece is only the first domino in a row that could end with Germany? Is the euro zone a faulty design?

A team of SPIEGEL reporters went to Brussels, Luxembourg, Athens, Berlin and elsewhere to find answers to these questions. They have reconstructed the rise and fall of a currency that can only survive if the mistakes that were made over two decades are corrected in the next few months.

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